(7): apartheid was but an idealized form of rule that the British and French had pioneered--institutional segregation (indirect rule) [doctrine of difference, which aimed at evolution of separate institutions appropriate to the African spirit]
(8): three questions
- to what extent was structure of power in contemporary Africa shaped in the colonial period rather than the anticolonial revolt?
- was not racial domination mediate through ethnically organized local powers?
- is it not the burden of protest to transcend these differences without denying them
- question the writing of history by analogy
- to establish that apartheid was the generic form of the colonial state in AFrica
- to underline the contradictory character of tthnicity
- the deracilization of the bifurcated State does not bring with it democratization
(12-13): history by analogy versus history as a process [but supposition of universalism? by straddling abstract universalism and intimate particularism, you have an easy answer--but are you really willing to find yourself in the 'middle' on the question of speaking across contexts, etc?]
(16): direct rule -- europe's initial response to the problem of administering colonies; civilizing mission; an unmediated despotism (favored by settler, agrarian capital--which wanted land and free labour)
(17): indirect rule -- mode of domination over a free peasantry; land remained customary; market restricted to products of labour; a legal dualism; a mediated despotism (favored by mining, finance and commerce--which wanted a docile-ish labour force, i.e., migrants)
(18): indirect rule was also a response to resistance, of course
(19-21): four moments
- the colonial State -- protector of the society of the colons
- the anticolonial struggle
- independence -- tended to deracialize the State, but not civil society (affirmative action)
- collapse of embryonic civil society
- African was containerized as a tribesperson
- colonial powers seized upon the most authoriatarian/monarchical of existing traditions--an ideological construct that mirrored their own practices
- the Native Authorities were marked by force to an unusual degree--after all, their ultimate authority was the central civil power (a decentralized despotism)
(26): the conservative States removed the sting of racism but kept the Native Authorities intace; the radical States tried to eliminate the Native Authorities but tightenened central control over these communities, intensifying extra-economic pressures on the peasantry
(28): in South Africa, because of the relative strength of industrialization/civil society, the creation of the bifurcated State required an above-average level of force
(29): strong industrialization also meant that cities were the site of struggle
(29-): five developments led to 1994
- shift to apartheid rule in late 40s -- forced removals
- this notwithstanding, proletarianization and urbanization continued
- decade of peace ended in 1973 and 1976
- original social base was migrant labour--but by 1990, rural migrants appeared as country bumpkins
- struggle reached a stalemeate by mid-1980s
(37): 'cotton famine' --> colonization [not really situated in the context of the 'great depression', but idea is there]
(38): indirect rule in equatorial Africa was the legacy of the Asian experience and the experience of 19th c. Africa
(39): customary was neighter arbirarily invented nor faithfully reproduced
(39): key--'colonial notion of precolonial was a reflection of the decentralized despotism it was striving to create'
(43): key--colonial period brought the village-based despot, shorn of rule-based restraint, into existence -- no longer were peers or the people a 'check' on their authority
(48): from multiple to singularly despotic -- colonialism built on the 19th century conquest states
(49): importance of 1857 as a pivot, from civilizing mission to Native Authority
(50): what was distinctive, about colonialism, was the newfound 'scope of the customary'
(54): the 'Cheif' as petty legislateor, administrator, judge, policeman
(57) the American car and pilgrammage to Mecca
(59): exactly--indirect rule as colonialism's foot-soldiers run amok
(61): gave rise to a bifurcated reality -- with customary law on the one sdie, and modern law on the other
(67-68, 102): both political resistance and economic reasons (solution to labour problem, for mines) play their role in the fashioning of indirect rule in South Africa [even settlers can get on board, once they've expanded and are looking for 'tribal stability']
(100): apartheid was an attempt to 'freeze' detrabilization, which threatened to destabilize the National Party gov't
(109): the legal dualism was, of course, a reflection of the dual forms of power
(110): two ways in which this was different
- previously autonomous social domains came within the scope of the NA's authority
- any challenge to chiefly power would have to reckon with the clout of the central authority
(135-136): imp--radical regimss as the 'inheritors' of the colonial tradition of rule by decree [problem of the alternative--too easy a critique, here, to say some form of democratic negotiation would have been 'better'. but that doesn't mean, of course, that the centralizing position is defensible, either]
(139): three distortions, the NA brought
- notion of community rights very one-sided -- couldn't recognize multiple rights in land
- hitherto rural powers were confused with proprietary rights
- migrants/strangers were no longer allowed access to the land
(143): again, settler capitalists were checked by (1) peasant resistance; (2) strategy of other fractions of capital (example, here, of the Mau Mau)
(144): coercion was central to the customary
(145-146): comment on dependency theory--the 'deepening' of markets (all that dependency theorists see), but customary authority also gave some of these peasants independent access to the means of subsistence
(148-165): importance of 'unfree labour'
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